Márton Bartók

The Pixel Luminosity Telescope is a silicon pixel detector dedicated to luminosity measurement at the CMS experiment at the LHC. It is located approximately 1.75 m from the interaction point and arranged into 16 "telescopes", with eight telescopes installed around the beam pipe at either end of the detector and each telescope composed of three individual silicon sensor planes. The per-bunch instantaneous luminosity is measured by counting events where all three planes in the telescope register a hit, using a special readout at the full LHC bunch-crossing rate of 40 MHz. The full pixel information is read out at a lower rate and can be used to determine calibrations, corrections, and systematic uncertainties for the online and offline measurements. This paper details the commissioning, operational history, and performance of the detector during Run 2 (2015-18) of the LHC, as well as preparations for Run 3, which will begin in 2022.

The Pixel Detector is the innermost part of the CMS Tracker. It therefore has to prevail in the harshest environment in terms of particle fluence and radiation. There are several mechanisms that may decrease the efficiency of the detector. These are mainly caused by data acquisition (DAQ) problems and/or Single Event Upsets (SEU). Any remaining efficiency loss is referred to as the dynamic inefficiency. It is caused by various mechanisms inside the Readout Chip (ROC) and depends strongly on the data occupancy. In the 2012 data, at high values of instantaneous luminosity the inefficiency reached 2\% (in the region closest to the interaction point) which is not negligible. In the 2015 run higher instantaneous luminosity is expected, which will result in lower efficiencies; therefore this effect needs to be understood and simulated. A data-driven method has been developed to simulate dynamic inefficiency, which has been shown to successfully simulate the effects.

This volume contains selected papers from the 13th International Conference on the Structure of Hungarian (Budapest, 2017).The contributions address current issues in Hungarian linguistics, including comparisons with other languages (e.g., English, German, Turkish, Arabic, Spanish).Specifically, the phonetics and phonology papers present experimental and corpus studies of /h/ voicing, the acoustics of Hungarian word stress, and vowel harmony in harmonically mixed stems. The papers on syntax and semantics discuss object agreement and its locality restrictions, equative markers in German and Hungarian diachronically and synchronically, anaphoric possessor strategies and definite article distribution, and the semantics of various aspectual adverbs. Experimental studies of information structure examine the linear placement of textually given topical constituents post-verbally, exhaustivity inferences with focus partitioning in German, English and Hungarian, and contextual factors licensing Hungarian structural focus.The broad range of topics ensures that this volume will interest scholars of Hungarian and theoretical linguists more generally.The ebook edition is Open Access under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives (CC BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

In this study, we investigated whether the amount of voicing, and the sound quality (expressed in HNR) of /h/ in syllable onset are affected by intervocalic context (vs.post-pausal context), by backness and openness of the flanking vowels, and by a phonological conditioner, pitch-accent.We showed that both measures were similarly high in all intervocalic positions (irrespective of the presence of word-boundary and pitch-accent), while after a pause they were substantially lower, meaning that /h/ was voiced, and more modally voiced intervocalically, than after a pause.Further, interaction of this effect with that of vowel features led us to conclude that open, close, back, and front vowel groups should be considered internally heterogeneous with respect to their effect on /h/ voicing.

In our research we aim to examine this allophonic alternation of the laryngeal fricative from a phonetic point of view, in an attempt to shed more light on the phonetic and phonological factors that may facilitate or restrain the occurrence of [ɦ] in Hungarian, and thus to test previous claims of phonology and phonetics on this issue. As a first step, the present study investigated the effect of two vowel quality features, vowel openness and backness, and a phonological conditioner, pitch-accent on the ratio of voicing that occurs in intervocalic /h/ in laboratory speech. As a secondary aim we also tried to raise questions regarding the very specific type of voice quality this unique fricative exhibits, breathy voice. For this purpose, we also analyzed two more acoustic parameters, center of gravity and the harmonics- to-noise ratio, which are traditionally suggested to reliably and informatively quantify voice quality in fricatives. The results confirmed our hypothesis, that the intervocalic voicing of /h/ may be regarded as a purely phonetic process not governed or restrained by phonological processes, but only by the presence of the two flanking vowels. In a fine-grained phonetic analysis, however, we also showed that this phonetic process may be affected by the vocalic feature, openness of the flanking vowels, via coarticulation, and that front and back vowels may not be regarded as homogenous groups of vowels in the open – close dimension. We interpreted the latter results by taking into account a less simplified explanation of vowel articulation, and the complex interactions of the tongue and the larynx structures.

In the present study three members of the Hungarian vowel inventory (/i/, /u/, /ɒ/) were analysed as a function of prominence, with respect to gender and vowel quality. The theoretically most prominent (stressed and accented) and non-prominent (unstressed and unaccented) realizations were compared in terms of duration, f0, formants, and OQ (measured with two different methods). The last two of these parameters were estimated and analyzed sys- tematically for the first time in the study of Hungarian speech. There was a significant interaction between the effect of prominence and vowel quality: prominence led to longer duration for the vowels /ɒ/ and /i/, but had no significant effect on /u/. We found a three-way interaction be- tween prominence, vowel quality and gender, due to different patterns ob- served between the two genders in the case of the vowel /i/. Formant analysis based on Euclidean distance from the vowel space centroid did not reveal any significant effect of the degree of prominence. The comparison of F 1 and F2 values showed considerable differences between the accent conditions in the case of the second formant of /ɒ/. For the two measures of OQ, we found dif- ferent patterns for genders and vowels: prominence led to higher OQ values for women and lower OQ values for men. These between-gender differences were the most salient for the vowel /ɒ/.

We examined vowel-initial irregular phonation in real words as a function of vowel quality, backness and height, and speech rate in Hungarian. We analyzed two types of irregular phonation: glottalization and glottal stop. We found that open vowels elicited more irregular phonation than mid and close ones, but we found no effect of the backness. The frequency of irregular phonation was lower in fast than in slow speech. Inconsistently with the claims of earlier studies, the relative frequency of glottalization to glottal stops was not influenced by speech rate in general. However, while /i/ was produced with a relatively higher ratio of glottal stops in fast speech, the open vowels showed the widely documented tendency of being realized with relatively less glottal stops under the same conditions.

Final states with isolated photons are expected from the decay chains of supersymmetric particles, either directly or as a result of decays of Higgs bosons produced in the decay chain. Results of three searches for strong and electroweak production of supersymmetric particles in events with one or two isolated photons are presented, based on pp collisions recorded with the CMS experiment at $\sqrt{s} = 13$ TeV. In the case of strong production, the most stringent mass limits on gluinos obtained by these searches reach 2 TeV.

We examined utterance-initial irregular phonation as a function of vowel quality (vowel height and backness), and speech rate in Hungarian. In the analysis we distinguished two types of irregular phonation: glottalization and glottal stop. In Experiment 1, all nine Hungarian vowel qualities were analysed in pseudo words, with respect to the extent they facilitate the occurrence of irregular phonation as a function of their (i) vowel height (three levels: close, mid, open), (ii) backness using two levels in the first run (front vs. back) and three levels in the second run (front vs. central vs. back), and (iii) speech rate. In Experiment 2, four vowel qualities were analysed in real Hungarian words with respect to all the above factors (but in this analysis, only two categories were distinguished in the backness dimension). With respect to vowel height, we found that open vowels elicited more irregular phonation than mid and close vowels in both experiments. With respect to backness, in the twofold comparison (front vs. back) we found no effect in either of the experiments, while in the threefold comparison (front vs. central vs. back) we found that back vowels showed a higher ratio of irregular phonation than central and front ones in Experiment 1. The frequency of occurrence of irregular phonation was higher in fast than in slow speech in Experiment 1, and it was lower in Experiment 2 (in the latter, the confounding effect of the hiatus position was eliminated which was probably present in Experiment 1). The relative frequency of glottalization did not show an increase as a function of increased speech rate as claimed by earlier studies.

The aim of our study is to analyse the articulatory characteristics of /iː/ occurring in Hungarian monosyllabic harmonic and antiharmonic stems.In their frequently cited work, based on 3 speakers' data, Beňuš and Gafos (2007) [1] claimed that the tongue position in transparent vowels of antiharmonic Hungarian stems is less advanced than that of the phonemically identical vowels in harmonic stems.In their study, the authors compared different harmonic and antiharmonic stems (even if the consonantal context was more or less controlled).In the present study, we analysed two homophonous pairs of words /siːv/ and /ɲiːr/, which are antiharmonic in their verbal usage, but are harmonic as nouns.The words were produced by 4 speakers both (i) in isolation and (ii) in sentence-initial position, where they were followed by front and back vowels, in a well-controlled manner.The experiment was carried out using electromagnetic articulography.We compared the sequence of the horizontal position of four receiver coils (ttip, tbl, tbo1, tbo2) across the conditions with Generalized Additive Models.The results showed that the horizontal positions of the receivers did not vary as a function of the harmonicity of the stem in either the isolated or the coarticulated condition.

In the present study we analyzed vowel variation induced by carryover V-to-V coarticulation under the effect of pitch-accent as a function of vowel quality (using a minimally constrained intervening consonant to maximize V-to-V effects).We tested if /i/ is more resistant to coarticulation than /u/, and if both vowels show increased coarticulatory resistance in pitchaccented syllables.Our approach was unprecedented in the sense that it involved the analysis of parallel acoustic (F2) and articulatory (x-axis dorsum position) data in a great number of speakers (9 speaker), and real words of Hungarian.To analyze the degree of coarticulation, we adopted the locus equation approach, and fitted linear models on vowel onset and midpoint data, and calculated the differences between coarticulated and non-coarticulated vowels in both domains.To measure variability, we calculated standard deviations of midpoint F2 values and dorsum positions.The results showed that accent clearly exerted an effect on the phonetic realization of vowels, but the effect we found was dependent on both the vowel quality, and the domain (articulation/acoustics) at hand.Observation of the patterns we found in parallel acoustic and articulatory data warrants for reconsideration of the term 'coarticulatory resistance', and how it should be conceptualized.

Articulatory organization of geminates in Hungarian It is traditionally assumed that geminates undergo degemination when being flanked by another consonant in Hungarian. As in Hungarian duration is considered to be the main acoustic cue to the singleton-geminate opposition, it appears valid to study the phonetic implementation of this process in the acoustic domain. However, previous acoustic analyses lead to inconclusive results on the status of the “degeminated” consonant, while articulatory data on Japanese singletons and geminates imply that it is revealing to study degemination on the level of gestural timing. The present study compared gestural organization of geminates, degeminated and singleton consonants in heterorganic C-clusters, and in intervocalic positions. We obtained EMA data from 10 female speakers of Hungarian (aged 27.7 ys). Consonant durations, plateau durations and tongue rise data showed that degemination does not yield realizations equivalent to intervocalic singletons, and geminates and singletons in clusters showed equally slower tongue rise than that observed in intervocalic singletons.

Glottal marking of utterance-initial vowels as a function of the syntactic position and the vowel quality In the present study, the glottal marking of utterance-initially appearing vowels was analysed with respect to the syntactic position, the vowel quality, the formal characteristics of the glottal marking (glottal stop, glottalization, and their combination), and the inter-speaker variability. Four members of the Hungarian vowel-inventory were chosen for the analysis: front and high /i/, back and high /u/, front and low /ɛ/ and back and low /ɒ/ (in these examples the feature backness co-varies with lip spreading). From these vowels, V 1 pV 1 structured words (/ipi/, /upu/, /ɛpɛ/, /ɒpɒ/) were constructed, in which we analysed the word-initial vowel. The (pseudo-)words were embedded into meaningful sentences. We analysed the target words in two conditions: they were positioned in pre-focal topic and in focus positions, both occurring sentence-initially. Acoustic recordings were made with 20 female native Hungarian speakers (aged from 19 to 28 years) with an omnidirectional condenser microphone at 44.1 kHz sampling rate. With each participant, 40 target utterances (5 repetitions per each vowel in each condition) and 80 filler utterances (with the same dialogue and sentence construction) were recorded. The results showed that the frequency of glottal marking did not differ between the analysed utterance-initial syntactic positions (focus and topic), in both cases more than 70% of the vowels were glottally marked. The vowel quality, however, had an effect on the frequency of glottal marking. With respect to vowel openness, we found (in accordance with earlier studies) that open vowels showed glottal marking in a higher frequency than their closed counterparts did. The backness of the vowels, however, did not show the expected tendency, since the frequency of glottal marking was higher in the case of the front vowels. The ratio of the analysed formal variants (glottal stop, glottalization, and their combination) did not differ in terms of syntactic position, although they did with respect to the dimensions of vowel quality. The inter-speaker variability was highly observed in all of the analysed parameters.

Phonatory changes during emotion-inducing game events Phonatory changes during emotion-inducing game events: the effect of discrepancy from expectations and goal conduciveness. This paper aims to describe how phonation changes during emotion-inducing stimuli. 34 Hungarian speakers (17 female, 17 male) were asked to compete in a simple computerised guessing game, using voice commands to proceed after faced with the result of their guess. We expected that acoustic measures taken on these voice commands differ based on two affective components: goal conduciveness (successful or unsuccessful result) and discrepancy from expectations (unexpected or expected result based on the uncertainty of the guess). According to the results, only female subjects show phonatory variation as a result of varying emotional states: their fundamental frequency is higher at unexpected game events and their phonation is less breathy (lower H1-H2) at unexpected, unsuccessful events. Both of these changes can be caused by higher muscle tension in unexpected, unsuccessful situations and lower tension when experiencing goal conducive, expected events.

The simultaneous articulation of the turbulent noise of fricatives and vocal fold vibration poses difficulties due to their conflicting pressure requirements. Previous studies found advanced tongue root and narrower obstacle in voiced fricatives than in voiceless ones. The first helps to maintain vocal fold vibration, while the latter helps to achieve the appropriate amount of turbulence.In our study 12 subjects produced /izi/ and /isi/ sequences in pre-focal position. Headset microphone-, EGG- and tongue ultrasound (US)-signals were recorded. Cessation and restart points of voicing, and the voiceless part ratio (VR) were measured in the EGG-signal. CoG, SD, skewness and kurtosis were measured in the acoustic signal at 11 equally distanced time points in the fricatives. The midsagittal tongue contours were analyzed in the US signal in the closest image to the 0%, 50% and 100% points of the fricatives’ total duration. Voicing characteristics of /z/ and /s/ were compared by LMM, the further spectral features were analyzed by GAMM, and the tongue contours were analyzed by polar GAMM.The VR, the cessation and restart point of voicing were distinctive, although some of them had large VR in /z/ realizations. That may be resulted not only by the laryngeal settings but also by the supraglottal settings. The present study found tongue contour differences between the two fricatives at 50%, of the fricatives, and also at 0% and 100% point, but in less subjects’ speech: suggesting advanced tongue root and narrower constriction in /z/ realizations and speaker dependent timing of gestures. The spectral measures did not reflect the US results in one-on-one way. That is explicable by the quantal relations of the two domains (Stevens, 1968), and we suggest that they are also a result of further articulatory maneuvers that are applied in the voiced and voiceless fricative pairs (see Liker & Gibbon, 2011, 2013, 2018).

A tanulmany celja a magyar egy szotagos harmonikus es antiharmonikus tovekben megjelenő i maganhangzo artikulacios elemzese. Gyakran idezett munkajukban Beňus es Gafos (2007) harom beszelő artikulacios adatai alapjan azt allitjak, hogy az antiharmonikus magyar tovekben az i ejtese kozben a nyelv helyzete hatrebb van a szajuregben, mint ugyanezen maganhangzo ejtesekor a harmonikus tovekben. A szerzők elterő harmonikus es antiharmonikus toveket hasonlitottak ossze, meg ha a massalhangzos kontextus tobbe-kevesbe kontrollalt volt is. A jelen kiserletben a sziv es a nyir szavak homofon valtozatait elemeztuk, amelyek főnevkent harmonikusan viselkednek (peldaul szivvel, nyirrel), mig igei hasznalatukban antiharmonikusan (peldaul szivod, nyirod). A szavakat negy beszelő bemondasaban rogzitettuk egyreszt izolaltan (a szavakat onmagukban, ahol a nevszoi es igei funkciok elkuloniteset a beszelőknek mutatott kepek segitsegevel kisereltuk meg elicitalni), masreszt kontextusban, ahol a celszavakat kontrollalt modon elol, illetve hatul kepzett maganhangzok kovettek. A kiserletet elektromagneses artikulograffal vegeztuk, es a nyelv elulső reszere helyezett negy szenzor vizszintes helyzetenek szekvenciajat hason litottuk ossze a harmonikus es az antiharmonikus kondiciokban altalanositott additiv modellekkel. Az eredmenyek szerint a szenzorok vizszintes helyzete nem tert el a kondiciok menten sem az izolalt, sem a kontextusba agyazott hely zetben.

Articulatory studies performed in Hungary date back to the sixties, when different methods were applied for the description of the segment inventory of Hungarian and various other languages (e.g. Russian, German, English, Polish). Palato- and linguography, labiography, and X-ray were used in the analyses of both typical and atypical speech. However, coarticulation, which requires dynamic methods, was not analysed until recently, when the suitable tools and methods, electromagnetic articulography, ultrasound tongue imaging and electroglottography became also available in Hungary. The paper presents an overview of the main issues of articulatory studies on Hungarian in the past and the present. It summa-rizes the main findings from some studies on gemination and degemination, transparent vowels, pho-natory characteristics of emotion, and gives a couple of examples of possible and future applications.

In the present study we searched for an answer to the question if in Hungarian, similarly to the so far investigated Germanic languages, accent results in sonority expansion and/or localized hyperarticulation. The analysis was performed by EMA, with the participation of 9 speakers. Four vowels /i, u,

In this paper we studied if we find increased coarticulatory resistance and aggression in V-to-V coarticulation in pitchaccented syllables, and we also tested if anticipatory effects are exceeded by carryover effects in these contexts. We analyzed acoustic and articulatory (EMA) data from 9 Hungarian female speakers, and gauged coarticulatory effects by two different means. First, in line with previous studies, we calculated differences of coarticulated and neutrally positioned vowels (quality shift), which captures nature and magnitude of centralization. Second, we determined across context dispersion of vowels using relative standard deviation of tokens, which reflects uniformity of vocalic targets and which measure is yet understudied in this topic. Our two measures revealed different trends of coarticulatory variation and its modulating factors, and we also find divergent tendencies in acoustics and articulation. We propose that extension of our analysis to further typologically different languages is needed.