J. B. Singh

Although energy efficiency implementation is increasingly being recognized by policymakers worldwide as one of the most effective means to mitigating rising energy prices, tackling potential environmental risks, and enhancing energy security, mainstreaming its financing in developing country markets continues to be a challenge. Experience shows that converting cost-effective energy savings potential, particularly the demand-side improvement opportunities across sectors, into investments face many barriers and unforeseen transaction costs. This paper draws upon selected experiences with financing energy efficiency in developing countries to explore the key factors of various programmatic approaches and financing instruments that have been applied successfully for delivering energy efficiency solutions. Through case studies, a diverse range of institutional issues are examined related to the identification, packaging, designing, and monitoring approaches that have been used to catalyze traditional and innovative financing of energy efficiency projects. With adequate liquidity in major developing country markets and availability of modern energy savings technologies, it is often the institutional issues that become a key challenge to address in order to finance and implement robust programs. As further operational experience is gained, increased knowledge sharing can lead to scaling-up of such energy efficiency investments. The paper concludes with some ideas for accelerating implementation.

Purpose The main aim of this study is to identify and prioritize the factors that influence the adoption of big data analytics (BDA) within the supply chain (SC) of the food industry in India. Design/methodology/approach The study is carried out in two distinct phases. In the first phase, barriers hindering BDA adoption in the Indian food industry are identified. Subsequently, the second phase rates/prioritizes these barriers using multicriteria methodologies such as the “analytical hierarchical process” (AHP) and the “fuzzy analytical hierarchical process” (FAHP). Fifteen barriers have been identified, collectively influencing the BDA adoption in the SC of the Indian food industry. Findings The findings suggest that the lack of data security, availability of skilled IT professionals, and uncertainty about return on investments (ROI) are the top three apprehensions of the consultants and managers regarding the BDA adoption in the Indian food industry SC. Research limitations/implications This research has identified several reasons for the adoption of bigdata analytics in the supply chain management of foods in India. This study has also highlighted that big data analytics applications need specific skillsets, and there is a shortage of critical skills in this industry. Therefore, the technical skills of the employees need to be enhanced by their organizations. Also, utilizing similar services offered by other external agencies could help organizations potentially save time and resources for their in-house teams with a faster turnaround. Originality/value The present study will provide vital information to companies regarding roadblocks in BDA adoption in the Indian food industry SC and motivate academicians to explore this area further.

This book explores energy savings performance contracts (ESPCs) as a means of overcoming some of the more difficult hurdles in promoting energy efficiency in public facilities. ESPCs represent a very attractive solution to many of the problems that are unique to public agencies, since they involve outsourcing a full project cycle to a service provider. From the detailed audit through implementation and savings verification, ESPCs can relieve public agencies of bureaucratic hassles, while service providers can secure the off-budget project financing and be paid from the actual energy savings, thus internalizing project performance risks. ESPC bidding also allows public agencies to select from a range of technical solutions, maximizing the benefit to the agency. Global experience suggests that ESPCs have been more effective at realizing efficiency gains than many other policy measures and programs, since the service providers have a vested interest in ensuring that a project is actually implemented. Many of the country governments interviewed for the study also saw enormous potential in bundling, financing, and implementing energy efficiency projects on a larger scale in the public sector, a method that increases the rate of efficiency gains and creates further benefits through economies of scale.

A study has been made of neutral strange particle production in ${\ensuremath{\nu}}_{\mathrm{\ensuremath{\mu}}}$Ne and \ensuremath{\nu}${\mathrm{\ifmmode\bar\else\textasciimacron\fi{}}}_{\mathrm{\ensuremath{\mu}}}$Ne charged-current interactions at a higher energy than any previous study. The experiment was done at the Fermilab Tevatron using the 15-ft. bubble chamber, and the data sample consists of 814(154) observed neutral strange particles from 6263(1115) \ensuremath{\nu}(\ensuremath{\nu}\ifmmode\bar\else\textasciimacron\fi{}) charged-current events. For the \ensuremath{\nu} beam (average event energy 〈${\mathit{E}}_{\ensuremath{\nu}}$〉=150 GeV), the average multiplicities per charged-current event have been measured to be 0.408\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}0.048 for ${\mathit{K}}^{0}$, 0.127\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}0.014 for \ensuremath{\Lambda}, and 0.015\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}0.005 for \ensuremath{\Lambda}\ifmmode\bar\else\textasciimacron\fi{}, which are significantly greater than for lower-energy experiments. The dependence of rates on kinematical variables has been measured, and shows that both ${\mathit{K}}^{0}$ and \ensuremath{\Lambda} production increase strongly with ${\mathit{E}}_{\ensuremath{\nu}}$, ${\mathit{W}}^{2}$, ${\mathit{Q}}^{2}$, and ${\mathit{y}}_{\mathit{B}}$. Compared to lower-energy experiments, single-particle distributions indicate that there is much more ${\mathit{K}}^{0}$ production for ${\mathit{x}}_{\mathit{F}}$>-0.2, and the enhanced \ensuremath{\Lambda} production spans most of the kinematic region. \ensuremath{\Lambda}\ifmmode\bar\else\textasciimacron\fi{} production is mostly in the region \ensuremath{\Vert}${\mathit{x}}_{\mathit{F}}$\ensuremath{\Vert}0.3. The Lund model is shown to be in qualitative agreement with the data, but does not reproduce single-particle distributions in detail. For ${\mathit{x}}_{\mathit{F}}$>-0.2 there is a significant excess of \ensuremath{\Lambda} production over the model's prediction. The \ensuremath{\Lambda} hyperons are found to be polarized in the production plane.

The coherent production of $\ensuremath{\pi}$ and $\ensuremath{\rho}$ mesons in ${\ensuremath{\nu}}_{\ensuremath{\mu}} ({\overline{\ensuremath{\nu}}}_{\ensuremath{\mu}})$-neon charged-current interactions has been studied using the Fermilab 15-foot bubble chamber filled with a heavy Ne-${\mathrm{H}}_{2}$ mix and exposed to the Tevatron quadrupole triplet (anti)neutrino beam. The ${\ensuremath{\nu}}_{\ensuremath{\mu}} ({\overline{\ensuremath{\nu}}}_{\ensuremath{\mu}})$ beam had an average energy of 80 GeV (70 GeV). From a sample corresponding to approximately 28 000 charged-current interactions, net signals of (53\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}9) ${\ensuremath{\mu}}^{\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}}{\ensuremath{\pi}}^{\ensuremath{\mp}}$ coherent events and (19\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}7) ${\ensuremath{\mu}}^{\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}}{\ensuremath{\pi}}^{\ensuremath{\mp}}{\ensuremath{\pi}}^{0}$ coherent events are extracted. For $E>10$ GeV, the coherent pion production cross section is determined to be (3.2\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}0.7)\ifmmode\times\else\texttimes\fi{}${10}^{\ensuremath{-}38}$ ${\mathrm{cm}}^{2}$ per neon nucleus whereas the coherent $\ensuremath{\rho}$ production cross section is (2.1\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}0.8)\ifmmode\times\else\texttimes\fi{}${10}^{\ensuremath{-}38}$ ${\mathrm{cm}}^{2}$ per neon nucleus. These cross sections and the kinematical characteristics of the coherent events at $|t|<0.1$ Ge${\mathrm{V}}^{2}$ are found to be in general agreement with the predictions of a model based on the hadron dominance and, in the pion case, on the partially conserved axial-vector current hypothesis. Also discussed is the coherent production of systems consisting of three pions.

Multiple-parton interactions play a vital role in hadron-hadron collisions. This paper presents a study of the multiple-parton interactions with simulated Z + jets events in proton-proton collisions at a centre-of-mass energy of 13 TeV. The events are simulated with POWHEG followed by hadronization and parton-showering using PYTHIA 8. The events with dimuon invariant mass in the range of 60--120 GeV are selected for the analysis. The charged particle jets, having minimum transverse momentum of 5 GeV and absolute pseudo-rapidity less than 2, are used to construct the observables for measurements of the multiple-parton interactions. The proposed observables and phase-space region presented in this paper found to have enhanced sensitivity to multiple-parton interactions. The increased sensitivity to MPI will be lead to precise constraints on the parameters of the MPI models.

Coherent single-pion production on neon nuclei is studied using the Fermilab 15-ft bubble chamber filled with a heavy Ne-${\mathrm{H}}_{2}$ mixture and exposed to the Tevatron neutrino beam. In the neutrino energy range 40--300 GeV, the net signal is 20\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}6 events, giving a corrected rate per charged-current event of (0.26\ifmmode\pm\else\textpm\fi{}0.10)%. The cross section and kinematic distributions agree with the predictions of a model based on partial conservation of axial-vector current and meson dominance.

This book explores energy savings performance contracts (ESPCs) as a means of overcoming some of the more difficult hurdles in promoting energy efficiency in public facilities. ESPCs represent a very attractive solution to many of the problems that are unique to public agencies, since they involve outsourcing a full project cycle to a service provider. From the detailed audit through implementation and savings verification, ESPCs can relieve public agencies of bureaucratic hassles, while service providers can secure the off-budget project financing and be paid from the actual energy savings, thus internalizing project performance risks. ESPC bidding also allows public agencies to select from a range of technical solutions, maximizing the benefit to the agency. Global experience suggests that ESPCs have been more effective at realizing efficiency gains than many other policy measures and programs, since the service providers have a vested interest in ensuring that a project is actually implemented. Many of the country governments interviewed for the study also saw enormous potential in bundling, financing, and implementing energy efficiency projects on a larger scale in the public sector, a method that increases the rate of efficiency gains and creates further benefits through economies of scale.

In 1993, Thailand initiated a US$189 million demand-side management (DSM) program to help curb electricity demand growth and promote more energy-efficiency equipment and cost-effective energy services within the country. Since then, EGAT's DSM Office has developed a strong portfolio of DSM measures, including 19 DSM programs targeting a wide range of sub-sectors and end-uses, and substantially surpassed its original peak reduction and energy conservation targets. EGAT has created substantial public awareness of energy conservation and actively promoted private sector participation in providing such services. And, EGAT's DSM Office has been recognized internationally for its success in designing DSM programs that fit within an Asian context as well as its innovation and partnerships with other agencies. While the overall Program results have been positive, EGAT has had limited impacts in certain areas and experienced a number of implementation issues, many of which are now being resolved. This paper examines the creation of Thailand's DSM Program, discusses programs and results to date, offers analyses and lessons learned from the Program and discusses future prospects for DSM programs in Thailand and elsewhere.

This guidance note, about Energy service companies (ESCO), was prepared under the Energy Efficiency Outreach activity of the World Bank’s Europe and Central Asia region. The activity is sponsored by the Energy Sector Management Assistance Program, a multidonor technical assistance trust fund administered by the World Bank and cosponsored by thirteen official bilateral donors. ESCO can aid energy efficiency efforts by providing technical skills, assuming performance risks, facilitating access to finance from commercial lenders, and enabling energy users to repay initial costs through future savings. Although many attempts to encourage the development of ESCO markets in developing countries have failed, some recent experiences demonstrate how governments can help by promoting simple business models; facilitating ESCO financing; making legislative, regulatory, and policy changes; and creating demand. The challenges are real as the ESCO models are complex and require strong legal, financial, accounting, and business infrastructure,which is often lacking in developing countries. However, a combination of simple ESCO models, dedicated financing, enabling policy, regulatory initiatives, and increased public sector demand has resulted in the development of sizeable ESCO markets in some countries.

This report summarizes the main findings of this review, assesses some trends in project designs and program models, highlights emerging lessons learned, and attempts to offer some insights, suggestions and issues for continued discussion in the years ahead. The report has five chapters: introduction, summary of the project portfolio, discussion of program models and implementation experiences to date, energy efficiency (EE) financing programs and emerging good practices, and conclusion. Given the high number of EE financing programs in the pipeline, the report places a particular emphasis on this type of operation.

Photo: GordontourVaranasi, India—On a crisp February morning, in this ancient city, perched along the banks of the Ganges, the sun shines brightly on a landscape saturated with saffron. A sea of pilgrims gather restlessly around a stage at the Bharat Mata Mandir, the Mother India Temple, eagerly anticipating the arrival of the priest. Youths dressed in casual western attire, accented with saffron stoles draped around their necks, talk excitedly among themselves. Women seated on plastic chairs observe the veil, one end of their saris covering their faces, while others cover their heads informally. Seers wielding tridents and carrying clay pots filled with holy water amble with pride among the devotees. On the stage, bearded ascetic holy men with their faces covered in white and vermillion paint, gaze intently at the onlookers. A blue banner above the stage reads in Hindi “Viraat Hindu Sammelan,” or “Hindu Show of Strength.” The occasion is the golden jubilee celebration of the founding of the radical right-wing Hindu nationalist organization, Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP).A young woman with vermillion applied liberally to the part in her hair is seated calmly in the audience in a yellow georgette sari. She explains with a coy smile that the real draw of the celebration is actually the keynote speaker, the chief priest of the Gorakhnath Hindu monastic order, Yogi Adityanath. “[The chief priest] is a real divine figure. He can solve every problem. I am here to take his blessings. My husband makes saris. He has been sick the past six months. I want the priest’s blessings.” Finally, a man in his early 40s with a shaven head, in saffron robes, approaches the podium with the word “Om” inscribed in bold calligraphy. The crowds grow euphoric as salutations to the Hindu deity, Lord Shiva, ring through the air, “Har har Mahadev!” or “Please take away all our worries.”Adityanath proceeds to deliver a speech with the hallmarks of the country’s right-wing Hindu extremist agenda. Referring to the Gyanvapi mosque, built by the 17th century Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, the priest thunders, “Every time a Hindu visits the Vishwanath temple, the Gyanvapi mosque taunts us. If given a chance, we will install statues of Goddesses Gauri, Ganesh, and Nandi in every mosque.” The crowd roars its approval with cries of “Long live the chief priest!”In another veiled incitement to sectarian tension, the priest proclaims, “everyone, irrespective of religion, can come to Varanasi, but only Muslims are allowed in Mecca and Medina. This is the century of Hindutva, not just in India but in the entire world.”In invoking Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism, Adityanath seamlessly transitions from his role as chief priest to his political title as Member of Parliament of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—which was buoyed by a landslide victory in the 2014 national elections on the coattails of its enormously popular leader, Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His dual role appears not to have had significant negative repercussions for Adityanath’s political career, as he has represented the district of Gorakhpur in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament, since 1998. In fact, his two titles have a symbiotic relationship—his own website hails him as both “parampoojniye,” the holiest one, deserving to be worshipped, as well as the “superhero of Hindu Renaissance, the symbol of cultural nationalism, and a dreamer of Hindutva and development.”While the priest-politician’s vitriol is often denounced as extreme, even among BJP supporters, his platform of forging national unity around a Hindu religious identity has always been a cornerstone of BJP campaign strategy, which led to the landslide BJP victory in the national elections last year. The meteoric rise of the Hindu nationalist party has in turn driven the country’s political compass to the right, galvanizing an array of opportunist Hindu nationalist groups, most directly affiliated with the BJP, to exploit the favorable political conditions to implement their agenda. The inevitable result has been a wave of hostility directed against Indian Christians and Muslims, eerily reminiscent of India’s long and sordid history of state-sanctioned, even state-sponsored, violence against its religious minorities. Unlike the past, however, the country’s current embrace of the right may lead to permanent changes to India’s secular character with grave implications for a country that has always prided itself on being a pluralist democracy.The scale of the BJP’s win in the 2014 elections cannot be overestimated. It was the first time in India’s 67-year history as an independent nation that any party other than the Congress party won a clear parliamentary majority, without any need to form a coalition. The margin of victory was breathtaking. In a country of over a billion people, with voter turnout at just over 66 percent, nearly a third of all votes went to the Hindu nationalist party. Modi declared in a tweet, triumphantly, “India has won” and, most notably, “good days are coming,” promising to deliver on his pledge of economic development. Yet for many of India’s religious minorities, the good days seem far-fetched.While Hindu extremist violence against religious minorities is hardly a new phenomenon in India, the scale and brazenness of attacks in the wake of the BJP victory has been alarming. According to an interim report by human rights activist and Christian community leader, Dr. John Dayal, the first 300 days of Modi’s rule have been marked by 43 deaths among 600 documented cases of violence against Christians and Muslims. These include five attacks on churches in Delhi, the nation’s capital. In some of these cases, religious objects were stolen or desecrated, while in others, such as the case of Saint Sebastian, a Roman Catholic church, the entire interior of the church was burned.In one of the most egregious incidents of violence this year, a 71-year-old Catholic nun was raped in a convent school in the city of Ranaghat in West Bengal, home to many Christian institutions. The attack occurred when a group of seven to eight armed men stormed the school compound in the middle of the night, desecrated the chapel, stole $9,000 in cash, tied up several sisters, and raped an ailing elderly nun. As with all the other attacks, police investigations have failed to implicate any Hindu nationalist group, but the overall pattern clearly indicates an intention to spread an atmosphere of fear among Christians.According to the Dayal report, Hindu nationalist groups often have the tacit support of police in implementing their agendas. In two of the five cases of church vandalism and arson in Delhi, police have made no visible progress, and in the remaining three have attributed the vandalism to a short circuit or drunken behavior rather than religious motivations, even when incontrovertible evidence indicates otherwise. The climate of impunity is even worse in rural villages, most notably in Chattisgarh, where Dalit Christians—converts from the lowest rung of the Hindu caste system—have alleged in numerous cases that police are blatantly complicit in attacks.The National United Christian Forum, comprising the three largest Christian denominations of India, released a statement in March that warned “the cultural DNA of India of pluralism and diversity is being threatened” and that “any effort to impose [cultural homogeneity] is fraught with grave ramifications for the country.” The statement also expressed “deep concern about the physical violence—arson, murder, and rape of religious personnel.”BJP dominance has been accompanied by a toxic turn in political discourse that has targeted more than 200 million Indian Christians and Muslims for their religious beliefs.Arguably the second most influential person in the country, Mohan Bhagwat, head of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the virulently nationalist ideological parent of numerous right-wing Hindu satellite organizations, including the BJP and VHP, bluntly explained his organization’s agenda at the 50th anniversary of the founding of VHP: “Hindutva is the identity of India, and it has the capacity to swallow other identities. We just need to restore those capacities.” At a different event this year he proclaimed, “citizens of Hindustan should be known as Hindus.”While such pronouncements from the RSS are hardly new, they have far greater resonance in a nation led by its political wing, the BJP. In fact, under such circumstances, extremist rhetoric is amplified in an echo chamber of hate. Rajeshwar Singh, a leader of Dharm Jagran Samiti—yet another offshoot of RSS—voiced his intention to make India a Hindu rashtra (nation) and “ensure that India is freed of Muslims and Christians by December 31, 2021.” BJP MP Adityanath, already embroiled in numerous incidents of sectarian violence, similarly declared of his followers, “When I ask them to rise and protect our Hindu culture, they obey. If I ask for blood, they will give me blood.” Niranjan Jyoti, a holy woman-turned BJP politician, declared at a public rally, “It is you who must decide whether the government in Delhi will be run by the sons of Ram or by bastards,” an oblique reference to non-Hindus.Some Hindu nationalists even use misogynist rhetoric to convey their message. BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj has warned that “the [Islamic] concept of four wives and 40 children will not work in India, and the time has come when a Hindu woman must produce at least four children in order to protect the Hindu religion,” he says. The underlying fear is that the Muslim population, some 15 percent of the country’s 1.25 billion people, is on course to challenge the Hindu majority, which represents 80 percent of India’s population. Maharaj poses the solution of using the bodies of women to slow this imminent demographic threat. Indeed, in a video widely shared on social media, a right-wing leader is seen proclaiming in front of MP Adityanath that the bodies of dead Muslim women should be exhumed and raped.Even giants of Indian history are not immune from indirect attack. BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj stoked a major controversy when he declared Nathuram Godse, an RSS member who assassinated Mohandas Gandhi, a “patriot.” While many Hindu nationalists have long venerated Godse for his dedication to a vision of an undivided India—prior to the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan, this was the first time an elected politician openly called him a patriot, with the subtext that Gandhi unjustly appeased separatist Muslims.Bhagat similarly drew a firestorm of controversy with his remarks that “Mother Teresa did good work and service, but the aim was to convert the poor to Christianity.” The RSS ideologue echoes the dogma ingrained in Hindu nationalist groups that all Christians in India have been duped by foreign missionaries into conversion through bribery and deceit. But far from simply condemning missionary activity, the RSS and its affiliates have taken an active role in solving the problem of religious diversity.Various offshoots of RSS have targeted Christian and Muslims for ghar wapsi, or homecoming ceremonies, for many years, with the goal of converting them to Hinduism. After the BJP’s electoral success in 2014, Hindu nationalists issued public calls for mass conversion ceremonies in nearly every corner of the country. Forty-two Christian families in the state of Bihar sought police protection to defend themselves from intimidation, threats of violence, and raids conducted by VHP and Bajrang Dal, the youth wing of RSS. Impoverished villagers, who had converted to Christianity in 2007, were warned that they would be deprived of government benefits and driven out of the village if they did not re-convert to Hinduism.Similar threats made by the same groups yielded greater success in Agra, where 250 Muslims in an Agra slum were duped into conversion. In Modi’s home state of Gujrat, 200 Christians threw their crosses in a Hindu holy fire in exchange for promises of ration cards. Bhagwat stated, “We will bring back our brothers who have lost their way. They did not go on their own. They were robbed, tempted into leaving.” Even if a practicing Christian’s family converted from Hinduism more than three generations ago, he or she is still deemed to be blindly following a foreign religion. However, the subsequent public outcry against the ceremonies drew the scrutiny of the national and international media, which in turn scuppered Adityanath’s own plans to convert 4,000 Christians to Hinduism in Aligarh on Christmas Day.At the same time, Amit Shah, President of BJP, “dared” the furious secular political opposition in Parliament to support national anti-conversion laws such as those already in place in six states led by the BJP. As Heiner Bielefeldt, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, told World Policy Journal, these laws, ironically called Freedom of Religion Act(s), have been specifically crafted to prevent missionary efforts by Christians and Muslims and therefore “dismantle freedom of religion.” He elaborated further that on an unofficial visit to Gujarat last year, he found those who wanted to convert to a different religion were required to report to state authorities their intentions and motives, as well as the names of those who invited them to convert, all of which creates a “climate of intimidation totally in contradiction to freedom of religion or belief.” The “freedom to remain in your inherited religion would not be an act of freedom unless you have the possibility to also reconsider [your beliefs]. This is something that deserves to be respected unconditionally, so [the anti-conversion laws are] a slap in the face of everything freedom of religion or belief represents.”A central feature of the crescendo of vitriolic rhetoric and violence that’s targeted minorities after the BJP victory is the overall silence of the prime minister. There have been only two exceptions. In his August 15 Independence Day address, he called for a “ten year moratorium on violence” on the basis of religion and caste. After several months of continued attacks on religious minorities, international media scrutiny, a gentle rebuke by President Obama on the tail-end of his historic trip to India devoted to solidifying relations between the two countries, and finally, a blistering BJP defeat in the Delhi assembly elections, Modi finally announced that “[his] government will ensure that there is complete freedom of faith” and that it will “not allow any religious group to incite hatred against others overtly or covertly.”But the RSS and its various subsidiaries were never singled out. While ghar wapsi campaigns have disappeared from the news, invective even from members of his own party has continued unabated, with recent calls for the revocation of voting rights for Muslims from MP Maharaj. Until Modi is able to restrain the RSS and publicly condemn its Hindu nationalist rhetoric, any promises he makes to religious minorities are devoid of value. Yet this is unlikely to happen given that Modi was himself a member of the RSS since childhood.Dr. Surendra Kumar Jain, spokesperson of the VHP, the religious-paramilitary offshoot of the RSS, explained, “Obama should be ashamed of the comments that he made against religious intolerance in India. He owes an apology to India. You see, there is an international conspiracy to defame India. America and the West should look at themselves first.” Further, attacks on Christian institutions are part of the conspiracy hatched by Christian missionaries. And violence visited upon Muslims, he concluded, is attributable to a “Muslim conspiracy to turn India into Dar-al-Islam.”To blame Modi alone for the sharp rise in extremist activity in the country would be shortsighted. Although freedom of religion is, to a certain extent, enshrined in the Indian Constitution, an undercurrent of Hindu fundamentalism has festered in the country for more than a century and has been a recurring, looming threat to its religious minorities. The ideology was originally conceived during the British colonial period in order to lend structure and uniformity to a religion that had neither. Hindus in different regions of the country had disparate beliefs with different preferences for religious scriptures based on the identities of discrete sects. The need for a common Hindu ideology was born out of a perceived existential threat posed to the religion by a far more unitary Christianity and Islam.According to South Asia expert Christophe Jaffrelot, director of the Centre d’études et de Recherches Internationales (CERI) at France’s Sciences-Po, this ideology became the concrete ethnic nationalist doctrine of Hindutva in the early 20th century when it formulated a national identity that hinged on the religion, culture, language, and territory of the country’s majority community, coining the motto “Hindu, Hindi, Hindustan.” This doctrine holds that the Hindu majority represents the entire nation because it is the largest and oldest community, while religious minorities are deemed outsiders with foreign loyalties. Whatever their private beliefs may be, in the public sphere, more than 200 million Indian Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, and Buddhists must pay allegiance to Hindu symbols. As Friar Dominic Emmanuel, the spokesperson of the Delhi Catholic Archidiocese explained, a BJP MP recently told him pointedly on national television, “if you want to live in this country, you will have to abide by what the majority Hindus say.”But while religions originating in the subcontinent may be gradually assimilated into the fold of Hinduism, a problematic notion, Christians and Muslims should either be converted or expelled to make India a Hindu nation, as the RSS believes. Established in 1925 to foment a movement to this end, the RSS successfully propagated this extremist ideology in towns and villages across the country. Over a period of decades, the organization opened local chapters and spawned various subsidiary organizations, known as the family of the Sangh, to disseminate its dogma among strategic target groups. It formed the VHP to mobilize the country’s Hindu religious leaders and Bajrang Dal to target its youth. Then, in 1980, the RSS came one step closer to achieving its ultimate ambition—ruling India from the top down—when it established a political wing, the BJP.Modi, its most famous politician to date, became highly adept at using divisive politics to advance BJP electoral campaigns when he was the Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2002. State and local institutions, including the police, were heavily penetrated by BJP politicians and sympathizers of the Hindutva agenda. And at that time, one of the worst cases of state-sponsored mass murder in India’s history unfolded. A train full of Hindu activists was halted and set ablaze near the railway station in Godhra, a poor Muslim neighborhood. More than 50 people were burnt alive. Although the government’s own investigation later concluded the fire was accidental and started from inside the coach, Muslims were immediately blamed by religious nationalists, with Modi declaring it was a “pre-planned violent act of terrorism” when this had never been established. That very evening, the government ordered the bodies to be publicly displayed in the state capital. Angry mobs of saffron-clad, armed Hindu men summarily attacked Muslim residential and commercial areas in cities and villages across the state. Human Rights Watch has detailed the gruesome way in which more than a thousand people were killed, the vast majority of them Muslim and as many as 125,000 others made refugees. Homes were flooded and families electrocuted. Women were gang-raped, mutilated, and set ablaze in front of their children, before the children, too, were burnt alive. Similarly, fetuses were cut from the bodies of pregnant women before their mothers were killed. And worst of all, these murders were framed simply as the consequence of “riots.”But the rapid speed and organization with which the mobs engulfed Muslim neighborhoods, the lists of individuals targeted on the basis of voter registration, the use of trucks and gas cylinders, the methodical use of cell phone communications all suggest elaborate, centralized planning. The use of “riot” to describe such violence shifts the locus of responsibility from Hindu nationalists to spontaneous airborne hatred between two groups, arising from an historical vacuum.Modi, the consummate politician, used the divisive atmosphere and turmoil in the wake of the riots to call for early elections. Partnering with the VHP, Modi began a hate-filled campaign to further polarize tensions and exploit the Hindu solidarity by delivering vitriolic anti-Muslim speeches at hundreds of rallies across the state. In the end, he won the election decisively, and BJP dominated the state parliament for the third time in a row.Modi modulated this approach in the national elections last year, in part because he was already under international scrutiny, even banned from entering the United States, for his role in the Gujarat massacre. Moreover, in 1998, the only other time a BJP member was elected prime minister, Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee adopted moderated versions of the more radical political stances of his party to form alliances with regional parties. Unlike Vajpayee, however, Modi’s appeal to business elites and a populist appeal to the middle class were enough for the BJP to win a clear majority of seats in parliament. While this may be beneficial to the agenda for liberalizing the economy, it has begun to tear apart much of India’s social fabric.Part of the haunting legacy of mass communal violence in India is the fracturing of centuries-old, diverse communities along religious lines, with Hindu nationalist politicians being the greatest beneficiaries. The worst outbreak of state-sanctioned religious violence since 2002 occurred in the district of Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh in September 2013, several months before the general election when Modi was elected. The violence in this instance was sparked by the death of two Hindus and a Muslim in an altercation on September 7, 2003. Over the next three days, sectarian clashes led to some 60 deaths, and more than 40,000 were driven from their homes into squalid refugee camps without food or running water. The vast majority were Muslims.A deeper probe of the situation in a fact-finding exercise completed by the Delhi-based Centre for Policy Analysis reveals that in the two months prior to the outbreak of violence, there had been a concerted campaign of inciting communal tensions. BJP leaders were involved in spreading rumors against Muslims through strident accusations of “love jihad”—Muslim men accused of wooing Hindu women in an effort to reduce the growth of the Hindu population. To thwart this demographic threat, the center’s report continues, BJP leaders encouraged attacks on Muslims. Beyond this, rampant rumors about the slaughter of cows, considered sacred in Hinduism, inflamed tensions further. Against the backdrop of this tension, all it took was a single altercation to spark explosive violence. Once again, communal violence and an exodus of Muslims to refugee camps outside Muzaffarnagar helped the BJP win the general election seat for Muzaffarnagar in 2014.Sabir Ali, 50, who owns a small cycle repair shop in Muzaffarnagar lamented, “the saffron fanatics sparked the attacks, but the state government watched patiently. No one can say that the UP [Uttar Pradesh] government instigated the riots. Allah knows. The saffron goons burnt houses, killed people. But who controlled UP? Who sits in the office? It’s his duty to control his people. People from both sides died. Hindus also died. This should have never happened. We all suffered.”India’s supreme court ruled that “the state government [of Uttar Pradesh was] responsible for being negligent at the initial stage in not anticipating the communal violence and for taking necessary steps for its prevention.” It ordered the arrest of 16 politicians from a variety of parties for inciting violence.Such court orders, however valuable, have done little to mitigate the enduring harm caused by the upending of the social and economic order on which the poorest segments of society relied on for subsistence. Anwar, 30, a displaced agricultural laborer from Muzaffarnagar who now drives manual rickshaws in Delhi, explained that as a sharecropper he used to live on the land that he farmed with the consent of the Hindu landowners. Immediately after the violence, when homes were burned and impoverished farmers killed, politicians “came in the cars, clicked pictures with mobile phones, gave speeches, then went away.” Asked if he would like to return, he uses his scarf to wipe his eyes, welling up with tears. “Our backs have been broken,” he says. As for thousands of other landless Muslim farmers from Muzaffarnagar, it is unsafe and unfeasible to return home.Perhaps the most striking of all instances of recent communal violence occurred just over a year later in Trilokpuri, a slum in East Delhi. Months before the Delhi assembly elections, a seemingly trivial dispute caused by a Hindu worship ceremony organized in front of a mosque, triggered stone throwing and burning of shops. There were multiple reports that former BJP state lawmaker Sunil Kumar Vaidya aggravated the tension for his own benefit by announcing that a Hindu temple be constructed on a location near the mosque. Vaidya denies the allegations.Although this time it did not lead to any deaths, the political incentives for the violence were apparent. Eighty percent of the locality’s population is comprised of Dalit Hindus, and since this group can be relied on to be a long-term stable vote bank, political parties vie for their support, even if it is at the expense of alienating religious minorities.Aashiq Hussain, 60, the owner of a dilapidated shop selling stationery and used bicycle parts, explains that since the violence, he earns less than half of the $30 daily sales he used to make. During the violence, “shops were burnt, homes pelted, and police charged us with batons. A fire of hatred was in the air.” Now former customers “look at our beards and don’t want to let us enter their houses,” he says.Then with a pained expression, he adds that the past haunts him. “In 1984, in Trilokpuri, when [former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi] was killed, so many Sikhs were brutally murdered. I was a young man then. They took away my Sikh neighbors in front of my eyes. So many of them were burned alive. Now Trilokpuri says we are not welcome.” Arranging his skull cup over his head, he smiles dimly.As is often the case, the ghosts of India’s past violence against religious minorities continue to haunt future generations. Hussain’s observation reveals a complex truth. Separating the BJP and Congress parties into mutually exclusive categories of religious and secular is a false dichotomy. While the BJP’s proximity to RSS and its hateful ideology poses a far greater risk to religious minorities than the Congress Party, it must not be forgotten that 30 years earlier, at least 3,000 sikhs were killed by organized mobs with the backing of the ruling Congress party and even collusion by Hindu nationalists. At a minimum, a modicum of security for religious minorities can only be guaranteed once the perpetrators of past massacres are held accountable even if they belong to the BJP and Congress parties. Without accountability for past violence, a culture of impunity will prevail, and history will continue to repeat.For all of the turmoil it causes, Hindutva-inspired communal violence is not the only threat to India’s future. With the state apparatus championing a Hindu nationalist cause, repercussions are manifold, and often unpredictable. In the vacuum of viable secular parties, the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul Muslimeen (AIMIM), a Muslim political party based in Hyderabad, has begun to see its power rise in the Lok Sabha. MP Asaduddin Owaisi, president of AIMIM and a barrister at law, says the recent ban on the sale, consumption, and procurement of beef in states like Maharashtra disproportionately harms Muslims. “Muslim families are dependent on beef trade for their livelihood,” he says, since it is mainly Muslims who slaughter and sell beef in India. “By banning it, you have effectively made them jobless. The Modi government came to power with the promise of jobs. For the tannery industry, it’s Muslims and Dalits who run their small businesses.” When Hindutva ideology is channeled to further economically marginalize religious minorities, it is only rational that they too will employ identity-politics to assert their own power, granted that in the process, the notion of a secular Indian politics increasingly becomes a relic of the past.The end of secularism, it seems, would be a boon to the Hindu nationalists, who are already revising the Indian educational system so that future generations of Indians become indoctrinated with Hindu supremacist dogma. As Sugata Bose, Harvard professor of history, puts it, “The autonomy of educational and cultural institutions is under threat from an ideology based on religious majoritarianism of the current government. The appointment of persons lacking credibility as scholars will result in diminishing the quality of these institutions and lower India’s prestige in the world.”Further, as the political tide turns in favor of Hindutva forces, the incipient danger of permanent damage to the country’s legal system begins to grow more ominous. Advertisements issued by the Modi government to commemorate India’s 66th Republic Day in January excluded two crucial words from the preamble to the Constitution that were added in the 1970s—“secular” and “socialist.” If it foreshadows what is on the BJP agenda, this removal risks altering India’s religious and cultural landscape permanently with grave implications for freedom of religion and for the poor. Indians citizens would no longer be regarded as individuals, as the country’s founding fathers intended, but instead as members of religious communities.In a written objection to the Chief Justice of India holding the Chief Justices Conference on Good Friday and Easter, both national holidays, Supreme Court Justice Kurian Joseph told The Hindu, that he expressed “pain, anguish, and concern about the way secularism is being tinkered with” in the world’s largest democracy. Similarly, former West Bengal governor, and grandson of Mohandas Gandhi, Gopal Krishna Gandhi aptly observed recently, “Today, when intolerance has, in a sense, got anointed through a democratic election, you can’t but help remember Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s words about the possibility of a landslide victory turning a democratic leader into a dictator.” Yet despite India’s rightward trajectory, international criticism has been limited. On his historic second visit to India in which he pledged $4 billion in investments and loans to release the country’s “untapped potential,” President Obama issued a veiled rebuke to Modi’s Hindutva ideology. “India will succeed as long as it’s not splintered along religious lines,” he stated.But less than three months later, the president penned a tribute to the prime minister in Time curiously entitled “India’s reformer in chief,” in which Modi is romanticized and coddled as “[transcending] the ancient and the modern” as a “devotee of yoga” who connects with his constituents through Twitter. The hateful rhetoric in the halls of Parliament, the apparent BJP electoral campaign strategy of sowing the seeds and harvesting the fruit of communal discord, the pattern of violence against religious minorities, and the threat posed to the Indian social fabric by anti-constitutional forces were all laid to rest in the statement that the “diversity of backgrounds and faiths in [the two] countries is a strength [the two leaders] have to protect.”Consistent with their approach to promoting religious tolerance in other parts of the world, India’s allies must directly and consistently confront Modi about his party’s hate speech targeting religious minorities and his failure to hold them publicly accountable. Communal harmony is not simply an accoutrement of a vibrant pluralist culture. It is the bedrock of a functioning democracy. Prioritizing economic interests above religious pluralism in India is an ill-fated decision that will come back to haunt all parties involved in the long term. Additionally, the specters of India’s violent sectarian past can only be put to rest once the guilty parties are held accountable. Without unrelenting international pressure to hold those guilty accountable for pogroms in Gujarat and elsewhere, incidents of state-sanctioned mass communal violence are likely to increase as India drifts to the right.

None.

The vast energy efficiency potential in industry remains largely untapped, impairing global efforts to mitigate climate change. With the right steps, energy savings by 2035 could rise to 668 million metric tons of oil equivalent in OECD countries, and up to five times more in developing countries.

This report assesses global experiences with Energy Efficient Purchasing (EEP) as a tool to help governments improve the efficiency of their facilities and public services. In many developed countries, EEP is increasingly becoming subsumed within broader Green Public Procurement (GPP) or sustainable procurement policies, where EE is only one indicator among many others. Global energy needs are increasing at a steady pace. Rapid industrial development and growing populations have led to an exponential growth in worldwide energy consumption. According to the international energy agency, demand for energy is projected to grow steadily from 2010 to 2035, representing a 40 percent increase. About 90 percent of this increase will come from developing countries. As these countries continue to urbanize, develop their industrial infrastructure, and provide universal access to basic services, strains on the existing energy infrastructure and resources will intensify. This, coupled with a substantial rise in the middle class in many of the emerging economies, most notably China and India, will also contribute to this increase in demand. This contributes to the expected rise in non-OECD (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development) countries' share of global energy demand, from 54 percent in 2009 to 64 percent by 2035. This projected increase in energy demand will necessitate new solutions to help bridge the gap between supply and demand, while reducing the trillions of dollars required for new energy infrastructure investments. The study concluded that EEP policies and programs can be an effective way to promote energy efficient products by leveraging a government's purchasing power and influence. Countries with more advanced programs have a wealth of resources and experiences available for countries just getting started, which can dramatically lower the time and resources needed to launch such efforts. As countries improve enforcement and tracking efforts, enhanced methods will be developed and tested, providing models for adaptation and application in the developing world.

The CMS hadron calorimeter is a sampling calorimeter with brass absorber and plastic scintillator tiles with wavelength shifting fibres for carrying the light to the readout device. The barrel hadron calorimeter is complemented with a outer calorimeter to ensure high energy shower containment in CMS and thus working as a tail catcher. Fabrication, testing and calibrations of the outer hadron calorimeter are carried out keeping in mind its importance in the energy measurement of jets in view of linearity and resolution. It will provide a net improvement in missing measurements at LHC energies. The outer hadron calorimeter has a very good signal to background ratio even for a minimum ionising particle and can hence be used in coincidence with the Resistive Plate Chambers of the CMS detector for the muon trigger.

The development of private sector energy service providers (ESPs), including energy service companies (ESCOs), that specialize in energy efficiency (EE) project development and implementation can help overcome some of the important barriers to scaling up implementation of energy efficiency (EE) projects, particularly in the public sector. ESPs can offer a range of services spanning the energy services value chain and provide the technical skills and resources needed to identify and implement EE opportunities, perform services using performance based contracts (thereby reducing the risks to the energy users), facilitate access to financing from commercial lenders, and enable the energy users to pay for the services from the cost savings achieved. This guidance note provides examples of actions taken by governments in many countries (such as Armenia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, and India) to foster the energy services market and help establish and grow ESPs in their countries. Experience from these countries shows that governments need to adopt a three-pronged approach, involving policy and regulatory initiatives, technical assistance (TA), and financing strategies, to build ESP and public agency capacity, implement ESP projects in the public sector, and provide the platform for moving to more complex implementation and financing models in the future. TA or financing alone does not offer an effective strategy to overcome the multidimensional challenges of ESP market development; efforts in all three areas are needed. Key conclusions of this guidance note are that: (i) there is no specific formula that can be prescribed to instruct governments on how to develop energy services markets; and (ii) fostering the ESP market requires governments to undertake a concerted set of legislative, regulatory, policy, financing, and awareness and information initiatives.

An energy efficiency revolving fund (EERF) is a viable option for scaling up energy efficiency (EE) financing in the public sector in the Western Balkans. Under a typical EERF targeting the public sector, loans are provided to public agencies to cover the initial investment costs of EE projects; some of the resulting savings are then used to repay the EERF until the original investment is recovered, plus interest and service charges. The repayments can then be used to finance additional projects, thereby allowing the capital to revolve creating a sustainable financing mechanism. This guidance note is intended for government decision makers interested in establishing such EE revolving funds. It defines the typical structure of such funds, conditions under which they can be useful and effective, ways they can address some of the financing barriers, and implementation options. The note also provides examples, case studies, and lessons learned, and a 'road map' for establishing such funds.

This guidance note, about Energy service companies (ESCO), was prepared under the Energy Efficiency Outreach activity of the World Bank’s Europe and Central Asia region. The activity is sponsored by the Energy Sector Management Assistance Program, a multidonor technical assistance trust fund administered by the World Bank and cosponsored by thirteen official bilateral donors. ESCO can aid energy efficiency efforts by providing technical skills, assuming performance risks, facilitating access to finance from commercial lenders, and enabling energy users to repay initial costs through future savings. Although many attempts to encourage the development of ESCO markets in developing countries have failed, some recent experiences demonstrate how governments can help by promoting simple business models; facilitating ESCO financing; making legislative, regulatory, and policy changes; and creating demand. The challenges are real as the ESCO models are complex and require strong legal, financial, accounting, and business infrastructure,which is often lacking in developing countries. However, a combination of simple ESCO models, dedicated financing, enabling policy, regulatory initiatives, and increased public sector demand has resulted in the development of sizeable ESCO markets in some countries.

Energy efficiency (EE) is critical for Georgia to sustain its economic growth while meeting its global commitments for climate change mitigation and environmental sustainability. Georgia has a high dependence on imports of natural gas and electricity (EEC 2014), particularly in the winter heating season. At current trends, continued growth in electricity demand is projected to deplete the power reserve margins within the next five years. The primary objective of this project is to identify options that can address the barriers to financing and help scale-up EE implementation in public buildings in Georgia. This report is arranged as follows: after introduction, Section 2 provides a summary of the country context, including the legislative and regulatory framework, energy consumption characteristics of central government buildings, and estimates of potential for energy savings and investments needed. Section 3 summarizes the barriers to financing EE in the public sector in Georgia, including legal and regulatory barriers, lack of access to commercial financing, institutional barriers, and limited implementation capacity. Section 4 provides information on international experience with financing public sector EE projects. It includes a review of six financing mechanisms: budget financing, EE revolving funds, dedicated EE credit lines, risk-sharing programs, public or super Energy Service Company (ESCO), and commercial financing with ESCOs and performance contracting. It also presents a comparative assessment of the key characteristics of these financing options. Section 5 identifies the three options considered appropriate for implementation in Georgia — budget financing, Energy efficiency revolving fund (EERFs), and public or super ESCO—and provides detailed information on each. It also presents information on the potential role of international financial institutions in providing complementary financial and Technical Assistance (TA). Section 6 summarizes the advantages and limitations of the three financing options and provides guidance on moving forward with the recommended option, the EE revolving fund. A road map for implementing the EERF is included.

The Republic of Kosovo, the youngest country in Europe has experienced strong economic growth performance since its formation in 1999. The economic growth is expected to continue at about four percent per year in the medium term. The economic growth has led to increased demands for electricity. The existing domestic electricity supply system (which primarily consists of two unreliable lignite-fired power plants that are poorly maintained and operate well below their installed capacity. The reliability of electricity supply has been cited as one of the major constraints to businesses in Kosovo . Also, as demand for electricity outstrips the supply, Kosovo must rely on unreliable electricity imports. After the planned decommissioning of one of the existing power plants at the end of 2017, there is likely to be additional supply shortfall, further exacerbating the reliability of supply and the need for expensive imports. The primary objective of this report is to identify options that can address the barriers to financing and help scale-up Energy Efficiency (EE) implementation in public buildings in Kosovo. This report is arranged as follows: Section 2 provides a summary of the country context, including the legislative and regulatory framework, energy consumption characteristics of municipal and central government buildings, and potential for energy savings and investments needed. Section 3 summarizes the barriers to financing EE in the public sector in Kosovo, including legal and regulatory barriers, lack of access to commercial financing, institutional barriers, and limited implementation capacity. Section 4 provides information on international experience with financing public sector EE projects. It includes a review of a number of financing mechanisms, including budget financing, EE revolving funds, dedicated EE credit lines, risk-sharing programs, public or super Energy Service Company (ESCO), and commercial financing with ESCOs and performance contracting. It also presents a comparative assessment of the key characteristics of these financing options. Section 5 identifies the three options considered appropriate for implementation in Kosovo -- budget financing, Kosovo EE revolving fund (KEERF), and Kosovo super ESCO (KESCO) – and provides detailed information on each. It also presents information on the potential role of international financial institutions in providing complementary financial and technical assistance (TA). Section 6 summarizes the advantages and limitations of the three financing options and provides guidance on moving forward with the recommended option – the KEERF. A road map for implementing the KEERF is included.

Energy efficiency (EE) is critical for Turkey to sustain its economic growth while meeting its global commitments for climate change mitigation and environmental sustainability in line with Turkey’s accession to the European Union (EU). In 2014, Turkey imported 75 percent of its energy , which accounted for US 55 billion dollars or about 7 percent of its GDP. At current trends, continued growth in electricity demand will deplete the power reserve margins within the next five years. The outline of the report are mentioned below : Section two provides a summary of the country context, including the legislative and regulatory framework, energy consumption characteristics of public buildings, and potential for energy savings and investments needed. Section three summarizes the barriers to financing EE in the public sector in Turkey, including legal and regulatory barriers, lack of access to commercial financing, institutional barriers, and limited implementation capacity. Section four provides information on international experience with financing public sector EE projects. It includes a review of a number of financing mechanisms: budget financing, EERFs, dedicated EE credit lines, risk sharing programs, public or super ESCOs, and commercial financing with ESCOs and performance contracting. It also presents a comparative assessment of the key characteristics of these financing options. Section five identifies the three options considered appropriate for implementation in Turkey – budget financing, Turkey EE revolving fund (TEERF), and Turkey super ESCO (TESCO) – and provides detailed information on each. It also presents information on the potential role of international financial institutions in providing complementary financial and TA. Section six summarizes the advantages and limitations of the three financing options and provides guidance on moving forward with the recommended option: the TEERF. A road map for implementing the TEERF is included.

Energy efficiency (EE) is critical for Turkey to sustain its economic growth while meeting its global commitments for climate change mitigation and environmental sustainability in line with Turkey’s accession to the European Union (EU). In 2014, Turkey imported 75 percent of its energy , which accounted for US 55 billion dollars or about 7 percent of its GDP. At current trends, continued growth in electricity demand will deplete the power reserve margins within the next five years. The outline of the report are mentioned below : Section two provides a summary of the country context, including the legislative and regulatory framework, energy consumption characteristics of public buildings, and potential for energy savings and investments needed. Section three summarizes the barriers to financing EE in the public sector in Turkey, including legal and regulatory barriers, lack of access to commercial financing, institutional barriers, and limited implementation capacity. Section four provides information on international experience with financing public sector EE projects. It includes a review of a number of financing mechanisms: budget financing, EERFs, dedicated EE credit lines, risk sharing programs, public or super ESCOs, and commercial financing with ESCOs and performance contracting. It also presents a comparative assessment of the key characteristics of these financing options. Section five identifies the three options considered appropriate for implementation in Turkey – budget financing, Turkey EE revolving fund (TEERF), and Turkey super ESCO (TESCO) – and provides detailed information on each. It also presents information on the potential role of international financial institutions in providing complementary financial and TA. Section six summarizes the advantages and limitations of the three financing options and provides guidance on moving forward with the recommended option: the TEERF. A road map for implementing the TEERF is included.

Energy efficiency (EE) is critical for Georgia to sustain its economic growth while meeting its global commitments for climate change mitigation and environmental sustainability. Georgia has a high dependence on imports of natural gas and electricity (EEC 2014), particularly in the winter heating season. At current trends, continued growth in electricity demand is projected to deplete the power reserve margins within the next five years. The primary objective of this project is to identify options that can address the barriers to financing and help scale-up EE implementation in public buildings in Georgia. This report is arranged as follows: after introduction, Section 2 provides a summary of the country context, including the legislative and regulatory framework, energy consumption characteristics of central government buildings, and estimates of potential for energy savings and investments needed. Section 3 summarizes the barriers to financing EE in the public sector in Georgia, including legal and regulatory barriers, lack of access to commercial financing, institutional barriers, and limited implementation capacity. Section 4 provides information on international experience with financing public sector EE projects. It includes a review of six financing mechanisms: budget financing, EE revolving funds, dedicated EE credit lines, risk-sharing programs, public or super Energy Service Company (ESCO), and commercial financing with ESCOs and performance contracting. It also presents a comparative assessment of the key characteristics of these financing options. Section 5 identifies the three options considered appropriate for implementation in Georgia — budget financing, Energy efficiency revolving fund (EERFs), and public or super ESCO—and provides detailed information on each. It also presents information on the potential role of international financial institutions in providing complementary financial and Technical Assistance (TA). Section 6 summarizes the advantages and limitations of the three financing options and provides guidance on moving forward with the recommended option, the EE revolving fund. A road map for implementing the EERF is included.

Energy efficiency is among the cheapest and cleanest energy resources available. The World Bank, together with its development partners and client governments, is making a commitment to ensure that energy efficiency becomes the “first fuel” of energy policy makers and governments around the world. This brief highlights lessons learned from two decades of energy efficiency programs in many countries. Five recommendations are offered at the end of the brief.

Within the six countries of the Western Balkans, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia, energy efficiency (EE) is increasingly seen as a key pillar in national energy strategies, helping to enhance energy security, contribute to economic growth, and ensure environmental sustainability. This is for several reasons. EE can reduce the region's heavy reliance on expensive imports, enhance competitiveness and job creation, and reduce the impact of widespread fossil fuel use. EE can also bring important social benefits, helping to improve local air quality (mitigating related adverse health impacts), improve indoor comfort levels through improved heating, and make energy more affordable for low-income families. Finally, EE is seen as a critical tool in helping to mitigate the effects of necessary and planned tariff reforms by offsetting the higher energy costs to the entire economy. To realize these benefits, the Western Balkans countries will have to shift from broad policies and small-scale pilots to scaled-up financing and implementation. There is an urgent need to develop viable financing models in all sectors, as well as suitable delivery mechanisms, information systems, and necessary secondary legislation, in order to meet national targets and fuel economic development in a more sustainable manner. Buildings, which account for almost half of energy use in the regions, have been identified as a key sector in all of the country EE plans.

The Europe 2020 strategy and the legislative package from the European commission provide European Union (EU) member states a framework and means for moving towards a greener and more competitive low carbon economy that makes efficient use of resources and is resilient to climate risk. The integration of both mitigation and adaptation actions into Romania's national policies, programs, and strategies will be a critical step in shifting its development path towards a climate resilient, low carbon, and green economy. In this context, the Government of Romania has requested the World Bank to provide advisory services on climate change, including operationalizing its national climate change strategy and action plan, identifying and integrating climate-related actions in new operational programs, building a solid analytical base for impact assessment and climate-related decision making, and enhancing climate-friendly practices and monitoring system. This report is a deliverable under component B of the advisory services; support the preparation of the climate change-related actions under the 2014-2020 operational programs. This report presents the results of the rapid assessment process for the transport sector. This includes both general transports (which previously fed into the sector operational program for transport (SOP-T) and urban transport (which previously fed into the regional operational program (ROP).

There are currently 31 million licensed drivers (or 15% of all licensed drivers) over the age of 65. This number is expected to grow rapidly as the elderly population is predicted to double by 2030. With this impending increase of elderly drivers and their higher susceptibility to physical and mental deterioration, it is important to consider their safety as well as the safety of others on the road. State laws vary significantly as to elderly license renewal periods and renewal requirements, which could be particularly important in assessing elderly drivers’ continued ability to drive. We looked at the duration of license renewal in several states and compared elderly driver crash statistics among states with short and long renewal periods. 2009 accident data from the NHTSA was collected and sorted with respect to age and state. Total population estimates, again sorted by age and state, were also collected from the US Census Bureau. The data sets were then compiled to create elderly accident ratios by state and compared to data on license renewal duration (RD). By performing t-tests on data stratified by different RDs, the relationship between state licensing periods and elderly driving characteristics was assessed. When comparing RD to crash rates, only a renewal period of 2 years is associated with lower crash rates (p= 0.028) among the elderly. The crash rates for these states vary from 55 to 177 crashes per million elderly drivers. The five safest states for elderly drivers (DC, HI, MA, CT, and NY) have variable RDs (2-8 years). The worst 5 states for elderly drivers involved in crashes (MS, AK, MT, KY, and ND) all have median license RDs of 4 to 5 years. Frequent renewal (2 years) is associated with a reduction in elderly crashes in our analysis using state level data. However, some of the safest elderly driving states are MA and NY, with 5- and 8-year renewal durations respectively. A license renewal period of more than 2 years does not seem to be a efficient predictor of elderly driving crash rates when looking at all 50 states.

The energy sector rapid assessment was conducted by the World Bank for the Government of Romania, as part of an advisory services program on climate change and low carbon green growth. The objective of this assessment is to identify climate change related investment priorities and necessary implementation support for the 2014-2020 operational programs, with a view to achieving the European Union (EU) 2020 targets and laying a foundation for continued de-carbonization of the energy sector. This rapid assessment focuses on climate change mitigation actions in power and heat generation and in energy use in manufacturing, residential, public, and commercial sectors. Energy use and efficiency in the transport sector is studied in a separate transport sector rapid assessment. It includes in-depth investigation of the main energy end-use sectors or subsectors, low-carbon energy supply optimization based on long-term energy demand patterns and trends, and the design and approaches of key energy efficiency intervention programs, such as thermal retrofit of residential and public buildings and economization and modernization of district heating systems.

The cataract classification we described is a simple guide to surgical complexity rather than an attempt to quantify a risk for a specific complication, ie, posterior capsule rupture. Although this complication may be a surrogate of surgical complexity, it was our aim to tailor the 3-point CC grade to a specific training task(s). To use the example Dr. Butler describes, a 70-year-old patient with pseudoexfoliation may require iris hooks and a capsular tension ring, which demands specific surgical skills and familiarity with these devices. In contrast, a 90-year-old patient with glaucoma, controlled intraocular pressure, and background diabetic retinopathy may not require any additional surgical skills compared with a younger patient without these comorbidities. In the event of a posterior capsule rupture, the consultant trainer would be expected to actively assist and/or complete the surgical procedure depending on the experience and capability of the trainee. It is reassuring to learn that other units in the United Kingdom are adopting a classification system for cataract surgery. Over time a unified approach that stabilizes, simplifies, and safeguards the process for patients, providers, and personnel involved in delivering surgical training might evolve.

Bulgaria faces the challenge of reducing its high energy and carbon intensity levels to comply with European Union (EU) reduction targets. It is the most energy-intensive economy in the EU, with 610 kilograms of oil equivalent (kgoe) per €1,000 of gross domestic product (GDP) – about 4.3 times higher than the EU as a whole. Its greenhouse gas (GHG) emission intensity (0.36 kg of CO2 per unit of GDP PPP) is twice the EU average (0.18) due to a highly carbon-intensive energy mix: coal accounts for about 38 percent of total primary energy supply. To address these challenges, the government of Bulgaria has made energy efficiency (EE) a cornerstone of its energy policy. In line with the EU’s climate and energy package (“20/20/20 by 2020”),Bulgaria’s third National Energy Efficiency Action Plan (NEEAP) 2014-2020 set two specific targets for 2020: (a) increasing energy savings by 25 percent – i.e., 1.6 million metric tons of energy equivalent (Mtoe) in primary energy savings – and (b) reducing energy intensity by 41 percent compared to 2005 levels.In February 2015, Ministry of Regional Development and Public Works launched the National Program for Energy Efficiency of Multifamily Buildings to support the rehabilitation of MABs through the implementation of energy efficiency measures and structural renovations. The Program’s objectives were to (a) improve the energy efficiency of multifamily residential buildings and reduce energy expenditures, (b) extend the lifetime of buildings, and (c) contribute to a reduction in local and global air pollution. The initial budget of the Program in 2015 was BGN 1 billion (€500 million), and in 2017 it had expanded with an additional BGN 1 billion. The Program offered 100 percent grant support to registered HOAs in Bulgaria that were built prior to 1990. The Program was open to all older buildings – first only prefabricated panel buildings were included but the Program was expanded in 2016 to include brick and monolithic concrete built before 1999 – with instructions to municipalities to prioritize the most dilapidated ones. Under the framework developed by MRDPW, the Bulgarian Development Bank (BDB) acted as a paying agent and accepted applications from HOAs through the municipalities. The Program has achieved substantial results in demonstrating the benefits of housing renovations for energy efficiency and in improving the enabling environment for the implementation of energy efficiency investments in Bulgaria’s residential sector (e.g., conducting energy audits, preparing technical designs, building capacity in the construction sector, monitoring energy savings, issuing residential building certificates).With the completion of the initial phase of the Program, the government is now ready to develop a longer-term vision for the renovation of the full building stock and the design of the second phase which would seek to develop more sustainable and scalable financing mechanisms and build on the lessons learned from Phase 1.Section second includes a brief summary of the results from the first phase along with lessons learned. Section third outlines a longer-term strategic approach to supporting the renovation of the remaining residential building stock in Bulgaria and proposes a detailed program plan for the second phase. The outline was developed to help the government communicate its plans to renovate the full building stock over the next 20-30 years while managing expectations about future levels of government support. Sections fourth and fifth then analyze and recommend specific design options for the second phase of the Program which seek to introduce some level of HOA co-financing and address some of the implementation challenges and lessons noted in the first phase.

This report provides an overview of the third phase of the Poland catching-up regions initiative (PL CuR3). It presents components that have been delivered over the period July 2018 to June 2019 in collaboration with local, regional, and national stakeholders, the European Commission (EC), and the World Bank (WB). The mandate of the European Union’s (EU) cohesion policy is to narrow the development gaps and reduce the disparities between the member states and regions. Consequently, Corina Crețu, the Commissioner for Regional and Urban Policy, together with the task force for better implementation, initiated the CuR initiative to identify growth constraints in less developed regions, and provide targeted assistance and programs to foster growth. The Government of Poland and the EC were particularly interested in finding ways to improve the performance of CuR and identify ways to spur growth and innovation in their economies. The third phase of the CuR activity focused on two main topics: (i) Polish midsize cities which are in socioeconomic decline; and (ii) replication or extension of activities piloted during the two previous CuR phases.

ZusammenfassungCarbon dioxide (CO2) emissions can be reduced through newer powertrain concepts with electrification, efficiency optimization, and through alternative fuels. The focus of this work is on alternative fuels and optimizing engine efficiency for selected fuels on a large bore engine (> 170 mm). We surveyed alternative fuels with a lower carbon to hydrogen ratio than diesel fuel, or fuels without carbon. Examples of such fuels are: natural gas (including liquified natural gas (LNG) and its variability), methanol, ethanol, liquefied petroleum gas, ammonia, and hydrogen. The knock limited loads and possible efficiency targets were estimated using a closed cycle simulation with chemical kinetics. The achievable power densities and emitted CO2 levels are presented. In addition to simulation, single cylinder test results are presented for natural gas fuels. The total cost of ownership (TCO) analysis focused on a high fuel use application, in this case, stationary electric power generation. Natural gas is a good alternative fuel for heavy duty applications based on cost and availability.

Two independent methods have been made to determine the elastic (π - p) and coherent production (π - C) cross-sections. Firstly, we have estimated these cross-sections from the distribution of number of γ-quanta associated with the 2 to 5-prong π - p and π - n events. The second method is based on multiplicity distribution of charged secondaries in π - p and π - n interactions. The experiment was performed by exposing a 2m propane (C 3 H 8 ) bubble chamber to a π - -meson beam at p=40 GeV/c at Serpukhov.